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The Black Movement in the USA

Sunday 22 March 2009

"Revolutions overturn systems."

MALCOLM X

“ . . . Back during slavery, when Black people like me talked to the slaves, they didn’t kill ‘em, they sent some old house Negro along behind him to undo what he said. You have to read the history of slavery to understand this.
“ . . .There were two kinds of Negroes. There was that old house Negro and the field Negro. And the house Negro always looked out for his master. When the field Negro got too much out of line, he held them back in check. He put ‘em back on the plantation.
The house Negro could afford to do that because he lived better than the field Negro. He ate better, he dressed better, and he lived in a better house. He lived right up next to his master-in the attic or the basement. He ate the same food his master ate and wore his same clothes. And he could talk just like his master-good diction. And he loved his master more than his master loved himself. That’s why he didn’t want his master hurt.
If the master got sick, he’d say, “What’s the matter, boss, we sick?” When the master’s house caught afire, he’d try and put the fire out. He didn’t want his master’s house burned. He never wanted his master’s property threatened. And he was more defensive of it than the master was. That was the house Negro.
But then you had some field Negroes, who lived in huts, had nothing to lose. They wore the worst kind of clothes. They ate the worst food. And they caught hell. They felt the sting of the lash. They hated their master. Oh yes, they did.
If the master got sick, they’d pray that the master died. [Laughter and Applause] If the master’d house caught afire, they’d pray for a strong wind to come along. [Laughter] This was the difference between the two.
And today you still have house Negroes and field Negroes [Applause] I’m a field Negro. If I can’t live in the house as a human being, I’m praying for a wind to come along. If the master won’t treat me right and he’s sick, I’ll tell the doctor to go in the other direction. [Laughter] But if all of us are going to live as human beings, as brothers, then I’m for a society of human beings that can practice brotherhood. Applause

But before I sit down, I want to thank you for listening to me. I hope I haven’t put anybody on the spot. I’m not intending to try and stir you up and make you do something that you wouldn’t have done anyway. Laughter and Applause”

Malcolm X

Malcolm X talks

Tommie Smith had won the race of 200 meters and John Carlos, the third in the race, raised a fist gloved in black and fell head echoed when the American anthem. With this symbolic gesture, broadcast by the press and television throughout the world, the struggle of blacks in the United States against racial discrimination had shown up on the podium of the Olympic Games. On 16 October 1968, before millions of viewers, the two athletes raised their gloved fists, the third finalist, Australian Peter Norman, ascended the podium with the badge of the Committee in Solidarity with the black athletes. A little later, Tommie Smith explained that the fist up and the pair of black gloves shared with John Carlos meant "the power and unity of African Americans." The Black Committee had sent a message of solidarity to the students revolted Mexicans massacred by the power before the Olympics.

The reaction of the U.S. Olympic Committee was immediate: the two athletes were suspended from the team and had to leave the village within forty-eight hours, while threatening sanctions against athletes who have the same behavior, which led to amplify the anger of black athletes and white athletes. The following days showed several black athletes on the podium.

The sporting career of the two international runners was finally completed. Le système ne pardonne pas à ceux qui s’attaquent à lui. The system does not forgive those who attack him. The Olympics are apolitical but said he chose his side: the bourgeois state, not the revolt of the oppressed!

Martin Luther King, hand in hand with the capitalist and ... white power

Let us not forget that "I have a dream" the dream meant that the revolt of the oppressed black does not turn into a social revolution and not a threat to the capitalist. This "pacifist humanism" was to provide blacks to forgive their abusers, hoping that they gain as a lesson that there was no need to beat, to kill them, to despise. This "hope" was not only disappointed. It was a deception.

These indeed his famous speech:

"In struggling to take our rightful place we must not make us guilty of unjust acts. Do not drink the cup of bitterness and hatred to quench our thirst. We always have our battle in a top concern of dignity and discipline. We can not allow our creative protest degenerate into physical violence. Again and again we must reach this exalted level where we oppose physical force, the force of the soul. "

THE CONTEXT

The year 1964 marks a turning point in the struggle for black emancipation. The Civil Rights Act (Civil Rights Act) was banned, at least in principle, the segregation. The social reality is quite different.Blacks are overwhelmingly working class and suffer the double oppression of capitalism and racism.

In 1963, there were five times more blacks than whites who live in unhealthy habitats. Inequalities are increasing: in 1962, the black employee-es-es have incomes below 45% in average income of whites, as against 38% in 1952. Four employees are black five are unskilled. The evolution of technology, including automation, has lost thousands of manufacturing jobs, especially the less skilled. In railways, for example, in a few years, the number of railway workers of color has increased from 350 000 to 50 000. Unemployment affects 14% of blacks, as against 6% of whites.

In this context of acute social crisis, youth black ghettos are radicalized. L’impatience grandit, et les mouvements d’émancipation non-violents, comme celui du pasteur Martin Luther King, voient leur influence reculer. Impatience is growing and the movement of emancipation non-violent, such as Pastor Martin Luther King, saw their influence decline. New forms of struggle more virulent that have emerged in recent years with Malcolm X or the Black Panthers Party more appealing to a younger generation no longer satisfied the "civil disobedience". L’action directe gagne en crédibilité sur l’action légale. Direct action is gaining credibility in the legal action. Radicalisation de la lutte Equal citizenship is still not actually acquired, but social issues are increasingly essential. Radicalization of the struggle

After a week of insurgency (34 dead, 1 071 injured and 400 arrests) in the Watts district of Los Angeles, from 11 August 1965, the years 1966 and 67 were marked by riots in the northern industrial cities and center as Cleveland, Detroit, Omaha, Chicago (164 towns were affected in 1967).

In June 1966, James Meredith, the hero of the struggle for integration at the University of Mississippi in 1962, was shot during a protest march. Stokely Carmichael, chairman of a DCS that has radicalized, proposes to admit now that blacks in the protests and launched the slogan "Black power" ( "black power"). Martin Luther King did not object clearly, but objects to the violent methods that are now increasingly in vogue in the movement. The wave of riots was destabilized, and its strategy seems outdated. He is criticized as too moderate, "bourgeois".

If the party of Martin Luther King, SCLC, continues to advocate the integration of blacks into society and a non-violent action, he was criticized by those who advocate the separation through a black nationalism. In 1962, in Black Nationalism, EU Essien-Udom theorizes: "The black nationalist organizations [...] say that the only satisfactory and permanent solution to the problem of relations between blacks and whites is the separation of blacks from the white majority and establishment of a black household, politically controlled by a black majority. "[1] A movement divided

The Black Muslims ( "Black Muslims") embody this separatism. In 1965, their charismatic leader, Malcolm X, broke with them and founded the Organization for Afro-American unity on secular foundations. It evolves into a class, anticapitalist and internationalist and do not reject violence as a means of defense against the oppression of the white ruling classes. As his star rises in the sky because of the black pastor at the expense of peace, it disappears almost immediately, killed in open meeting on 21 February 1965.

A new organization will then compete with the movement of Luther King. This is the Black Panther Party for Self-Defense ( "Party of the Black Panther for Self," BPP), founded in October 1966 by Huey Newton and Bobby Seale, quickly gathering thousands of members and of members [2].

They set up armed patrols in the streets of Oakland (California), to protect black victims of white police officers. Narquois, ils emportent toujours avec eux un Code civil pour prouver à la police la légalité de leur action. Snide, they always carry with them a civil code for the police to prove the legality of their action. Gradually, they put in place social programs (food aid, free clinics ...), is defined as "Marxist-Leninist" and bring organizations struggle against imperialism (the ruling FLN in Algeria or the PLO, the IRA, the Front de Liberation du Quebec ...). Despite the arrest of important leaders from 1967, the organization, high profile, has more supporters and sympathizers.

Malcolm X :

"First of all, what is a revolution? Sometimes I am inclined to believe that many of us use the word" revolution "without worrying about accuracy, not as it should take into account the significance real word and its historical characteristics. When considering the historic nature of revolutions, the motive of a revolution, the objective of a revolution, the result of a revolution, and methods used in a revolution, it is possible to transform words. (...) Of all the studies to which we devote ourselves, that history is best able to reward our research. And when you discover that you have problems, you simply to explore the historical method used in the world by others who have similar problems to ours. (...) I remind you these revolutions, my brothers and sisters, to show that there not revolution. There is no revolution or trend the other cheek. A non-violent revolution does not exist. "

At a meeting he held on 8 April 1964 at a gathering of the Militant Labor Forum, also in front of an audience ¾ white, Malcolm X said, "revolutions do not compromise, do not rely on negotiations. Revolutions do not rely on a kind of gift, and revolutions do not rely on the beggar to be accepted in a corrupt society or a corrupt system. Revolutions overturn systems. And on this earth there is no system that has proven to be more corrupt, more criminal than the system which colonizes in 1964 another 22 million African Americans, who still 22 million slaves of African-American. "

Hoover , responsable du FBI durant cette période et ayant mené une véritable guerre contre les leaders radicaux noirs, en particulier les Black Panthers, avait rédigé une note qui annonçait clairement que : « Le Cointelpro doit empêcher la naissance d’un messie qui pourrait unifier et électriser le mouvement nationaliste noir (...) Il faut faire comprendre aux jeunes Noirs modérés que, s’ils succombent à l’enseignement révolutionnaire, ils seront des révolutionnaires morts (...) ne vaut-il pas mieux être une vedette sportive, un athlète bien payé ou un artiste, un employé ou un ouvrier plutôt qu‘un Noir qui ne pense qu’à détruire l’establishment et qui, ce faisant, détruit sa propre maison, ne gagnant pour lui et son peuple que la haine et le soupçon des Blancs ! » Hoover, head of the FBI during this period and leading a war against radical black leaders, particularly the Black Panthers, had written a note announcing that: "The Cointelpro to prevent the birth of a messiah who could unify and electrify the black nationalist movement (...) must be made to understand that young black moderates, if they succumb to revolutionary teaching, they will be dead revolutionaries (...) does it not better to be a sports figure , a well-paid athlete or an artist, an employee or a worker rather than a Black who only thinks of destroying the establishment and in so doing destroys his own house, not a winner for him and his people that hate and suspicion of whites! "

DOCUMENTS : DOCUMENTS:

Extraits de « Le pouvoir noir », textes de Malcolm X : Excerpts from "Black Power", texts by Malcolm X:

« J’aimerais faire quelques commentaires sur la différence entre la révolution noire et la révolution nègre. "I make a few comments on the difference between the black revolution and the Negro revolution. (…) Et d’abord, qu’est-ce qu’une révolution ? (...) First of all, what is a revolution? Parfois je suis enclin à croire qu’un grand nombre des nôtres utilisent le mot « révolution » sans se soucier de précision, sans prendre comme il convient en considération la signification réelle du mot et ses caractéristiques historiques. Sometimes I am inclined to believe that many of us use the word "revolution" without worrying about accuracy, not as it should take into consideration the real meaning of the word and its historical characteristics. Lorsqu’on étudie la nature historique des révolutions, le motif d’une révolution, l’objectif d’une révolution, le résultat d’une révolution, et les méthodes utilisées dans une révolution, il est possible de transformer les mots. When considering the historic nature of revolutions, the motive of a revolution, the objective of a revolution, the result of a revolution, and methods used in a revolution, it is possible to transform words. (…) De toutes les études auxquelles nous nous consacrons, celle de l’histoire est la mieux à même de récompenser notre recherche. (...) Of all the studies to which we devote ourselves, that history is best able to reward our research. Et lorsque vous vous apercevez que vous avez des problèmes, vous n’avez tout simplement qu’à étudier la méthode historique utilisée dans le monde entier par d’autres qui ont des problèmes identiques aux nôtres. And when you discover that you have problems, you simply have to explore the historical method used in the world by others who have similar problems to ours. (.. ;) (..;)
je vous rappelle ces révolutions, mes frères et mes sœurs, pour vous montrer qu’il n’existe pas de révolution pacifique. I remind you these revolutions, my brothers and sisters, to show you that there is no revolution. Il n’existe pas de révolution où on tende l’autre joue. There is no revolution or trend the other cheek. Une révolution non-violente, ça n’existe pas. A non-violent revolution, it does not exist. (…) (...)
L’homme blanc sait ce qu’est une révolution. The white man knows what a revolution. (…) La révolution est en Asie, la révolution est en Afrique, et le blanc crie de peur parce qu’il voit que la révolution est en Amérique latine. (...) The Revolution is in Asia, revolution is in Africa, and the white screams of fear because he sees that the revolution is in Latin America. Comment pensez-vous qu’il va réagir à votre égard lorsque vous aurez appris ce qu’est une vraie révolution ? How do you think it will react to you when you learned what a real revolution? Vous ne savez pas ce qu’est une révolution. You do not know what a revolution. Si vous le saviez, vous ne vous serviriez pas de ce mot. If you knew, you do not use that word. (…) (...)
La révolution ne connaît pas le compromis, la révolution renverse et détruit tout ce qui lui fait obstacle. The revolution knows no compromise, revolution overturns and destroys everything that hinders. (…) Si vous avez peur du nationalisme noir, vous avez peur de la révolution. (...) If you are afraid of black nationalism, you are afraid of the revolution. Et si vous aimez la révolution, vous aimez le nationalisme noir. And if you love revolution, you love black nationalism. (…) (...)
Je tiens à vous rappeler brièvement un autre point encore : la méthode utilisée par le blanc, la façon dont il se sert des « gros bonnets », des dirigeants noirs, pour lutter contre la révolution noire. Let me briefly remind you yet another point: the method used by the white, the way he uses the "big fish" of black leaders to fight against the black revolution. Après que Martin Luther King n’eut pas réussi à obtenir la déségrégation à Albany, en Géorgie, la lutte pour les droits civiques tomba à son niveau le plus bas. After Martin Luther King had failed to obtain desegregation in Albany, Georgia, the struggle for civil rights fell to its lowest level. En tant que dirigeant, King était pour ainsi dire discrédité. As a leader, King was so discredited. (…) Sitôt que King eut échoué à Birmingham, les noirs descendirent dans la rue. (...) As soon as King failed in Birmingham was, in black down the street. (…) Les noirs étaient dans la rue. (...) The blacks were in the street. Ils discutaient de la façon dont ils allaient marcher sur Washington. They discussed how they would march on Washington. C’est précisément à cette époque qu’avit eu lieu l’explosion de Birmingham, et les noirs de Birmingham, souvenez-vous, firent explosion eux-aussi. It is precisely at that time had been an explosion in Birmingham, and blacks in Birmingham, remember, were also self-explosion. Ils commencèrent à poignarder les racistes dans le dos et à les mettre cul par-dessus tête – eh oui, c’est ce qu’ils firent. They began to stab the racists in the back and putting cul par-dessus tête - yes, that is what they did. C’est alors que Kennedy envoya la troupe à Birmingham. That’s when Kennedy sent troops to Birmingham. Après cela, Kennedy se produisit à la télévision et dit : « C’est une question morale ». After that, Kennedy appeared on television and said: "It is a moral issue." C’est alors qu’il déclara qu’il allait faire une loi relative aux droits civiques. He then said he would make a law on civil rights. Et lorsqu’il fit allusion à cette loi et que les racistes du Sud se mirent à envisager la façon dont ils pourraient la boycotter ou empêcher son adoption par des manœuvre d’obstruction, les noirs prirent la parole – pour dire quoi ? And when he refers to this law and that the racist South began to consider how they might boycott or prevent the adoption by the obstruction, blacks took the floor - to what? Qu’ils allaient marcher sur Washington, marcher sur le Sénat, marcher sur la Maison Blanche, marcher sur le Congrès, le mettre en congés, mettre un terme à ses travaux et empêcher le gouvernement de fonctionner. They would march on Washington, walking on the Senate, march on the White House, march on Congress, put on leave, putting an end to its work and prevent the government from functioning. Ils dirent même qu’ils se rendraient à l’aéroport, se coucheraient sur les pistes et ne laisseraient pas atterir un seul avion. They said they would travel to the airport, lying on the tracks and not let a single plane landed. Je vous répète ce qu’ils disaient. I repeat what they said. C’était la révolution. It was the revolution. C’était la révolution. It was the revolution. C’était la révolution noire. It was the black revolution.
C’étaient les masses qui étaient dans la rue. It was the masses who were in the street. Elles faisaient mortellement peur à l’homme blanc et aux organes du pouvoir blanc à Washington, DC : j’y étais. They were mortally afraid the white man and the bodies of white power in Washington, DC: I was there. Quand ils se rendirent compte que le rouleau compresseur noir allait descendre sur la capitale, ils convoquèrent Wilkins, ils convoquèrent Randolph. When they realized that the black steamroller was going to descend on the capital, they convoquèrent Wilkins, they convoquèrent Randolph. Ils convoquèrent ces dirigeants nationaux des noirs, que vous respectez, et leur dirent : « Décommandez la marche ». They convoquèrent those black leaders that you respect, and said: "cancel the march." Kennedy déclara : « Voyons, vous tous, vous laissez cette affaire aller trop loin. » Et le père Tom dit : « « Patron, je ne peux pas l’arrêter, parce que je ne l’ai pas lancée. » Je vous répète ce qu’ils dirent. Kennedy said: "Come, you, you let this go too far." And the father Tom said: "" Patron, I can not stop it, because I have not started. "I repeat what they said. Ils dirent : « Je n’y participe même pas, comment pourrais-je diriger ? » Ils dirent : « Ces noirs agissent de leur propre chef. They said: "I did not even participate, how can I run?" They said: "These blacks are acting on their own. Ils courent en avant de nous. » Et ce vieux renard rusé leur répondit : « Si vous n’y êtes pas, je vous y mettrai. They are ahead of us. "And that wily old fox replied:" If you do not, I will put you there. Je vous placerai à la tête du mouvement. I will put you in the lead. Je lui donnerai ma caution. I will give my deposit. Je lui ferai bon accueil. I will make him welcome. Je le soutiendrai. I shall support. Je m’y rallierai. » I agree. "
Quelques heures s’écoulèrent. A few hours passed. Ils assistèrent à une réunion organisée à l’Hotel Carlyle, à New York. They attended a meeting at the Hotel Carlyle in New York. L’Hotel Carlyle est la propriété de la famille Kennedy (…) C’est là qu’une société philanthropique dirigée par un blanc nommé Stephen Currier convoqua les principaux dirigeants du mouvement des droits civiques. The Carlyle Hotel is owned by the Kennedy family (...) This is a philanthropic society headed by a white named Stephen Currier called the senior leaders of civil rights movement. Currier leur dit : « (…) Puisque vous vous disputez à propos de l’argent donné par les libéraux blancs, fondons le Council for United Civil Rights Leadership. Currier said: "(...) Since you have a dispute about money given by the white liberals, basing the Council for United Civil Rights Leadership. Constituons ce conseil : toutes les organisations des droits civiques en feront partie, et nous l’utiliserons pour lever des fonds. » (…) Une fois formé ce conseil dominé par le blanc, Currier leur promit et leur donna 800.000 dollars, à partager entre les « Six Grands » (dont King, Randolph, Wilkins,…) , et leur dit qu’après la marche, ils en recevraient encore 700.000. Constitute the board: all civil rights organizations taking part, and we will use to raise funds. "(...) Once formed this council dominated by white, Currier promised and gave $ 800,000 to be shared between the "Big Six" (including King, Randolph, Wilkins, ...), and said that after the march, they would still 700,000. Un million cinq cent mille dollars, répartis entre des dirigeants que vous avez suivis, pour lesquels vous êtes allés en prison, pour lesquels vous avez versé des larmes de crocodiles. One million five hundred thousand dollars, divided between leaders that you have followed, for which you have gone to jail, where you shed tears of crocodiles. (…) Une fois le décor monté, l’homme blanc mit à leur disposition les plus éminents experts en relations publiques et tous les moyens d’information du pays, qui commencèrent à présenter ces « Six Grands » comme les dirigeants de la marche. (...) Once the setting up, the white man began to them the most eminent experts in public relations and all information media of the country, which began to offer the "Big Six" as the leaders of the march. A l’origine, ils n’y participaient même pas. Initially, they did not even participate. (…) Ils devinrent la marche. (...) They became the march. Ils s’en emparèrent. They emparèrent. Et la première mesure qu’ils prirent après s’en être emparés, ce fut d’inviter Walter Reuther, un blanc ; ils y invitèrent un prêtre catholique, un rabbin et un vieux pasteur blanc. And the first step they took to be seized after it was invited Walter Reuther, a white, they invited a Catholic priest, a rabbi and an old white pastor. Les mêmes éléments blancs qui avaient porté Kennedy au pouvoir – les syndicats, les catholiques, les juifs et les protestants libéraux – la même clique qui l’avait porté au pouvoir se joignit à la marche sur Washington. The same elements were wearing white Kennedy in power - unions, Catholics, Jews and liberal Protestants - the same clique which had to power to join the march on Washington. (…) La marche sur Washington, ils s’y sont ralliés. (...) The March on Washington, they have rallied. Ils ne s’y sont pas intégrés, ils l’ont infiltrée. They did not integrated, they have infiltrated. Comme ils s’en emparaient, elle a perdu tout caractère militant. Since they seized it, she lost a militant. Elle a perdu sa colère, sa chaleur, son refus du compromis. She lost his anger, his warmth, his refusal to compromise. Oui, elle a même cessé d’être une marche pour devenir un pique-nique, un cirque. Yes, it even ceased to be a march to become a picnic, a circus. Rien qu’un cirque, avec les clowns et tout le reste. Nothing but a circus, with clowns and everything. (…) Quand James Baldwin est arrivé de Paris, ils n’ont pas voulu le laisser parler, parce qu’ils ne pouvaient pas l’obliger à respecter le script. (...) When James Baldwin came from Paris, they did not want to let because they could not force it to comply with the script. (…) Ils exerçaient un contrôle si serré qu’ils disaient à ces noirs à quelle heure il fallait arriver à Washington, comment s’y rendre, où s’arrêter, quelles pancartes porter, quels chants chanter, quels discours faire et ne pas faire ; et puis ils leur disaient de quitter la ville au crépuscule. (...) They exercised control so tight they said to these black at what time he had come to Washington, how to get there, where to stop, what signs wear, what songs to sing, what speeches do and what not do and then they said to leave the city at dusk. Et, au crépuscule, tous ces Tom sans exception avaient quitté la ville. And at dusk, all without exception, Tom had left the city. Oui, je sais que vous n’aimez pas ce que je vous dit là. » Yes, I know you do not like what I said then. "
Discours prononcé à Detroit peu après sa rupture avec les Blacks Muslims, en mars 1964. Speech in Detroit shortly after his break with the Black Muslims in March 1964.

« Il est impossible à un blanc qui croit au capitalisme de ne pas croire au racisme. "It is impossible for a white who believes in capitalism does not believe in racism. Le capitalisme ne saurait aller sans le racisme. Capitalism can not go without the racism. Lorsque vous acquérez la certitude, au cours d’une discussion avec un blanc, qu’il n’ya pas de place pour le racisme dans sa philosophie, c’est ordinairement qu’il s’agit d’un socialiste ou d’un homme dont la doctrine politique est le socialisme. When you acquire the certainty, during a discussion with a white, there is no place for racism in its philosophy, it is usually a socialist or a man whose political doctrine is socialism. (…) (...)
Nulle religion ne me fera jamais oublier la condition des nôtres dans ce pays. No religion I will never forget the condition of ours in this country. Nulle religion ne me fera jamais oublier que, dans ce pays, on ne cesse de lancer des chiens sur les nôtres. No religion I will never forget that in this country, it continues to run the dogs on us. Nulle religion ne me fera oublier les matraques abattues sur nos têtes par les policiers. No religion can make me forget the truncheons fell on our heads by the police. Nul dieu, nulle religion, rien ne me le fera oublier tant que ce ne sera pas fini, terminé, éliminé. No one god, no religion, nothing will make me forget so that it will not be finished, finished, eliminated. Je tiens à ce que cela soit bien clair. I want to make that clear.
Nous travaillerons avec tous les hommes, avec tous les groupes, quelle que soit leur couleur, pourvu qu’ils soient vraiment désireux de prendre les mesures qui s’imposent pour mettre fin aux injustices dont sont affligés les noirs. We will work with all men, with all groups, whatever their color, if they are really willing to take action to end the injustices that blacks are afflicted. Peu importe leur couleur, peu importe leur doctrine politique, économique ou sociale ; nous n’y trouverons rien à redire, pourvu qu’ils se donnent pour but la destruction du système de proie qui suce le sang des noirs de ce pays. Regardless of their color, regardless of their political doctrine, economic or social, we got away with it, provided they are given but for the destruction of the system of prey that sucks the blood of blacks in this country. Mais, s’ils appartiennent, si peu que ce soit, à la dangereuse espèce des amateurs du compromis, nous pensons qu’il faut les combattre. But if they belong to any degree, the case of dangerous lovers compromise, we believe that we must fight. (…) Pour toute défense, les maîtres du pouvoir et du système qui nous exploite se sont contentés de qualifier de racistes et d’extrémistes ceux qui condamnent ce système sans accepter de compromis. (...) For defense, the masters of power and operating system that we have been content to qualify as racists and extremists who condemn it without accepting compromise. S’il existe des blancs qui en aient vraiment et sincèrement assez de voir les noirs d’Amérique vivre dans ces conditions, qu’ils prennent position, mais que leur position soit sans compromis, sans demi-mesures, qu’elle ne soit pas non-violente… » If there are whites who have really and truly tired of seeing American blacks live in these conditions, they take a stand, but their position is no compromise, no half measures, it is not non-violent ... "

Speech following his religious journey to Mecca

What upon Obama ?

Forum posts

  • Ahead of the public release Friday of body and dashboard camera footage of the police shooting of 18-year-old African-American Paul O’Neal, the Chicago Police Department (CPD) issued a national bulletin warning of possible “civil unrest.” The teenager was shot in the back on July 28 and his death has been ruled a homicide.

    The fatal shots do not appear on any of the nine videos released. Instead, cops are seen firing at least 15 shots at O’Neal’s car. The police then chase him through a residential neighborhood and several more shots are heard off-camera. Three unidentified cops have been relieved of their duties after police officials suggested they might have violated protocol when they murdered the youth.

    The CPD claims there have been problems with the body cameras, which were supposed to assure “transparency” and improve relations between the public and the city’s notoriously violent police force.

    O’Neal was shot by one or more officers and died of his injuries shortly after being arrested. Police say O’Neal fled in his car after they stopped him for suspected car theft. The cops fired into the front and back windshields of the car, but media outlets say none of those shots hit O’Neal.

    The videos contain damning footage showing reckless violence by the police and confusion and fear among residents as police pursue the youth through a quiet south side neighborhood before they fire the fatal shots. The footage shows dismayed neighbors trickling out of their homes to see what has happened as the cops discuss the possibility of being suspended for their actions.

    One officer suggests that the unarmed suspect had fired at them first. Another tells a group of cops in the street to turn off their body cameras. Additional footage shows the police handcuffing the youth as he bleeds to death.

    The family saw the footage before it was released to the public on Friday, according to CNN. Ja’Mal Green, a family spokesman, told CNN that the relatives of O’Neal’s mother and sister walked out. “They can only take so much,” he said. “Once the gunshots started, they immediately left the room … crying, breaking down.”

  • read “The Black Panthers speak” :

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